Rep. Rob Bishop (R-Utah), left, at a news
conference last year about legislation he supported to open up 1 million acres
in Utah to recreation and oil-and-gas development. (Rick Bowmer/Associated
Press)
The congressman who said he “would love to
invalidate” the Endangered Species Act is closing in on his goal.
Rep. Rob Bishop (R-Utah) recently shepherded
five bills out of the Natural Resources Committee he chairs that would
dismantle the law piece by piece. Many Republicans on the panel say
the proposals are necessary changes that would modernize the 1973 law.
Democrats and conservationists say the bills would whittle away the law’s
ability to save wildlife from extinction.
One measure would force the federal
government to consider the
economic impact of saving a species rather than make a purely scientific call.
Another would require the U.S. Fish and Wildlife Service, which administers the
act along with the National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration, to defer to
data collected by states as the “best scientific and commercial data
available,” although state funding related to the act accounts for a small
fraction of that supported by the federal government.
Under a third proposal, citizens
and conservation groups would be
stripped of a powerful tool that allows them to file court claims against the government when
they believe its protections fall short. Among other actions, the remaining
bills would also remove protections
for gray wolves in Midwestern states and block courts from ruling on the
validity of the government’s decisions.
The legislation is setting up a titanic
clash over a law that forms the foundation of American wildlife
protection and has been copied around the world.
“This will be a battle royal,” said Bob
Dreher, vice president for conservation programs at Defenders of Wildlife, a
nonprofit group in Washington. “You’re going to see a strong, strong movement
opposing cuts to the ESA. I don’t want to sound overly confident or cocky that
we’re going to defeat this. It’s going to be the fight of my conservation
career.”
Unlike earlier GOP attempts to weaken the
act, Bishop is poised to realize his ambition because of Republicans’ control
of both chambers of Congress and the White House. A Senate committee that
previously held
hearings on modernizing the act is preparing companion
legislation, and a president who favors oil-and-gas development on federal land
is more likely to sign it into law.
A bald eagle along the Hudson River in
Kingston, New York. The species was protected under federal law in 1940 and
removed from protection in 2007 after its numbers rebounded. (Mike
Segar/Reuters)
Bishop, who declined requests to comment for
this story, exuded confidence about the bills’ prospects before the committee
acted in July. “Hopefully, working with our colleagues in the Senate and
the administration, we can lay a foundation for ESA reform that will do us
well,” he said.
All of the measures, approved almost
completely along party-line votes Oct. 4, are awaiting consideration by the
full House.
Their passage would mark Bishop’s most
significant legislative victory since the former high school teacher and
debate coach entered politics in Utah, where he served as a charismatic
leader of the state Republican Party and co-founded the Western States Coalition. The
eight-term congressman has long been an opponent of the law, which is
credited with saving the
bald eagle, humpback whale, grizzly bear, California condor and the Florida manatee.
“It has never been used for the
rehabilitation of species. It’s been used for control of the land,” Bishop said
this year. “We’ve missed the entire purpose of the Endangered Species Act. It
has been hijacked.”
Bishop’s disdain was clear in the hearings,
Democrats say. On witness panels, they charge, farmers, dam operators, state
wildlife managers and others opposed to the act got their say about its supposed
shortcomings, without comparable opportunities for scientific and federal
government experts to check those claims. The Interior Department even barred Fish
and Wildlife staff members from meeting with the minority caucus’s staff
members as they attempted to gather information for hearing preparations,
according to lawmakers such as Rep. Raúl M. Grijalva (Ariz.).
“The bias and the setup begins at the
hearing,” said Grijalva, the Natural Resources Committee’s ranking Democrat.
“We get one witness, they get three or four, and the drumbeat begins with the
onerous things that are wrong with the act: It’s too cumbersome, it allows too
many radical lawsuits, the states can do a better job, let them make the
scientific and biological opinion of when wildlife should be listed.”
Rep. Raúl M. Grijalva (D-Ariz.) decries what
he says is an attempt to strip wildlife of lawful protection. (2015 photo by
Rick Scuteri/Associated Press)
The law was essentially 73 years in the
making. It followed the Lacey Act of 1900 that was passed to conserve wildlife
after carrier pigeons that once filled America’s skies went extinct and bison
nearly disappeared. Other conservation acts that preceded it were the Migratory
Bird Treaty of 1929 and Endangered Species Preservation Act of 1966.
Seven years later, that preservation act was
strengthened to become the Endangered Species Act. The new legislation was
approved by overwhelming and bipartisan margins — 355 to 4 in the House
and 92 to 0 in the Senate. President Richard M. Nixon made it official with his
signature that December.
The law gives the federal government control
over regulating use of land that serves as habitat for endangered species,
with assistance from states. It specifies that decisions should be based
on only science, without consideration of the economic effect. The law also
helps people sue for the protection of animals or plants through the Equal
Access to Justice Act, which pays the attorney fees of individuals and
organizations that take the government to court and win.
Today, more than 2,000 species
are listed as endangered or threatened, including Loggerhead
sea turtles in parts of the Atlantic Ocean, whooping
cranes
in the West and the Texas golden
gladecress.
Over time, some lawmakers began to argue
against the law’s species management and protection. Protecting animals such as
the spotted owl and blue whale cordoned off enormous chunks of forest, ocean
and desert. Private landowners were sometimes restricted or blocked from certain
activities on their property, from logging and oil or gas drilling to cattle
grazing and housing development.
This year, Sen. James M. Inhofe (R-Okla.)
noted that of the total species listed since 1973, only about 3 percent have
been delisted. “As a doctor, if I admit 100 patients to the hospital and
only three recover enough to be discharged, I would deserve to lose my medical
license,” he said.
The rusty patched bumblebee became the first
bee species in the continental United States to receive federal protection
under the Endangered Species Act. It was listed in March. (Sarah Foltz
Jordan/The Xerces Society/Associated Press)
Peter S. Alagona, author of “After the
Grizzly: Endangered Species and the Politics of Place in Southern California,”
says some concerns about the law have never been sufficiently addressed.
He thinks it is due for “an update,” but he disagrees with what he calls
Republicans’ “false pretenses.”
“If the complaint is [that] the recovery of a
species takes too long, the question is for whom,” he said. The agencies
responsible for the effort “have lacked resources” to address critical issues,
“and part of the reason is they have been starved by the politicians who are
now claiming it takes too long.”
GOP lawmakers argue that states better
understand species within their borders and should take a leading role in
protecting them. But Alagona and others say animal populations have
withered over the decades because of neglect by states.
A 2016 study by the
University of California at Irvine showed that state spending to protect
endangered and threatened wildlife over the 10 years ending in 2014 was
“negligible” compared with federal spending — a collective $57 million vs. more
than $1.1 billion.
Most state regulations cover fewer
species than the federal government does, and 17 states do not bother to
protect plants. West Virginia and Wyoming have no legislation protecting
species, the study said, although Wyoming allocates more than most states on
species management. Half of the states do not require any scientific
evidence as a basis to list species or remove them.
Conservationists are worried about the ESA
bills now before the House, but they are especially concerned about the
proposal that would require federal wildlife officials to consider the
“likelihood of significant, cumulative economic effects” of listing an animal
or plant. Its author, Rep. Pete Olson (R-Tex.), who has characterized the
act as “a political weapon for extreme environmentalists,” said potential
revenue and job losses as a consequence of species protection can no
longer be ignored.
A polar bear rests with her cubs on the pack
ice in the Beaufort Sea in northern Alaska. The species was listed as
threatened nearly a decade ago. (Steve Amstrup/U.S. Fish and Wildlife
Service/Associated Press)
Olson’s bill would demolish a tenet that
historically set U.S. species protections apart from those of other
countries: Science should be a much stronger factor than money.
Dan Ashe, a Fish and Wildlife director under
the Obama administration who is now president and chief executive of the
Association of Zoos & Aquariums, warns that putting economic interests
first would be a serious blow to the law. The 2008 protection of polar bears
under the George W. Bush administration, he said, is just one example of action
that probably would not have happened.
“What a hard decision that was,” Ashe said.
“If [agency officials] were required to consider the economic impact of the
polar bear listing, would they have listed it? I think not.”
The drive to weaken the Endangered Species
Act is coming at a crucial time, Ashe said. “Wide scientific consensus is that
we’re living amid another great extinction crisis — people are calling it the
sixth mass extinction,” he said. “Looking at these five bills, I see no sign
that there’s a concern for improving the implementation of the Endangered
Species Act.”
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